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Unbearable heaviness of Taiwan’s democracy

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Shanghai, China — While the United States was telling the world that the election of Barack Obama to the presidency was evidence that the American Dream still endures, Taiwan was also engaged in a highly symbolic political drama. Former President Chen Shui-bian was taken into detention in mid-November, facing several charges of corruption and money laundering during his term of office.

Chen Shui-bian, who peacefully received and returned political power from and to the Kuomintang respectively in 2000 and 2008, had been regarded as a “hero of democracy,” especially among those who consider themselves “native” Taiwanese. Chen’s party, the Democratic Progressive Party, has accused the Kuomintang, which moved from mainland China to Taiwan in 1949 and resumed leadership in the island this year, of not representing the native Taiwanese.

Taiwan’s Kuomintang government under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeou is trying hard to depict Chen’s custodial interrogation as a low-key event within the framework of Taiwan’s Constitution and independent judiciary. But anyone with good sense will smell a rat and recognize its deep political significance.

Tentatively putting aside concerns over Chen’s character, behavior and whether or not he is guilty of any crime, the case must be considered from the dimension of Chen’s identity as the former president of Taiwan. It is difficult to conclude that this incident is a simple legal matter.

In fact, to the people of Taiwan Chen is not merely a criminal suspect, he is a political symbol. His arrest and detention have strengthened his importance as a symbol.

There is a saying that a pessimist views half a glass of water as half empty, while an optimist considers it half full. Likewise, Chen’s case can be seen from two opposite angles.

Optimistic people will see this as broadening the horizons of the democratic system, under which even a former president is subject to equal judicial treatment and receives punishment gracefully without resistance. This can be seen as a symbolic victory and consolidation of Taiwan’s Constitutional system.

Pessimistic people, on the other hand, have more to worry about as they consider the fate of this highly symbolic figure. Hence, Chen’s case cannot be viewed as a simple legal matter; it is a knotty political problem. After all, Chen is not an ordinary person; history has made him “somebody.” And the handling of his case has become an “incident.” All the forces that have supported Chen will be aroused if this case is not carefully dealt with.

Chen’s significance is not difficult to understand. First, he made himself the symbol of democracy, leading the Democratic Progressive Party to pull down the seasoned Kuomintang through democratic elections for as long as eight years.

Second, Chen is – or was – the “hero of democracy” in the minds of the so-called “islanders,” the Taiwanese who immigrated to the island before 1945, and their descendents. These Taiwanese see Chen as the man who always served their interests. No matter how much they are told about Chen’s transgressions, their personal feelings will make it difficult for them to accept this as fact.

Third, and most serious, is the fact that people cannot help being suspicious that the Kuomintang, which has a long history of authoritarianism and has now regained power, is carrying out a political scheme to settle accounts with the “natives” who have lost political power.

Moreover, both Chen and the DPP see the former leader’s custody as an opportunity for him to make a comeback. Chen has realized that his only hope is to make use of his political capital. The DPP is therefore eager to treat this case as a political incident, in order to mobilize support for Chen and perhaps ultimately regain power.

If Chen’s case is badly handled, there is a great possibility that Taiwan’s democracy will be in shreds. After all, the island’s democracy is only 20 years old. Taiwan is still in the process of consolidating its democratic system; it is a far cry from the mature democracy of the United States.

Therefore, to use the distinction put forth by the distinguished political scientist Professor Robert A. Dahl of Yale University in the United States, there are both conditions that favor and disfavor democracy. Consolidating the island’s democracy will require strategy and flexibility. If Chen’s case is handled with a straightforward legal mindset and approach, the ruling party will have to pay the piper.

Unfortunately, Ma Ying-jeou and the KMT have missed the opportunity to blur the battle lines on this matter. Chen has already been officially accused and the damage to his political reputation is already done.

Some may propose a compromise, such as Ma granting a pardon to Chen after Chen is convicted. This is very naive, however. The proceedings have already spurred the forces that support Chen as a political symbol. No wonder the audience is tense as it watches the democratic drama about to unfold in Taiwan now.

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(Ye Min is a freelance writer on current affairs who is pursuing his PhD at the East China University of Science and Technology in Shanghai, China. His interests are comparative political studies and public law. This article is translated and edited from the Chinese by UPI Asia.com; the original can be found at http://www.chinaelections.org/NewsInfo.asp?NewsID=137909 ©Copyright Ye Min.)











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