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Bangladeshis have been busy forecasting the qualitatively different atmosphere surrounding the proposed election and possible results of this much-awaited poll. They are also worried about the future trend of politics in the country. Based on the past, people view major political parties more as chaotic demonstrators than constructive contemplators. Besides, people are not sure whether the election results will be credible or simply an outcome controlled by the military regime.
In reality, political parties since 1991 have generally censured election results after losing the race for power. Only the winners justified the process and accepted the result. These past experiences raise questions and suspicions about the future of the country. Will politicians repeat the same practices as in the past? Will the country suffer violent protests, including post-election vandalism of public and private property on the streets of Bangladesh and boycotts of the sessions in the parliament where there are supposed to be constructive debates? Will political groups again be responsible for holding the nation captive due to violence?
Politicians whose parties were in power in the last few decades have already started formulating their election strategies and strengthening their support by involving more partners in their respective groups, to widen their chances of winning the race. The leaders of the Bangladesh Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party have even started verbally clashing with one another.
On the other hand, former attorney general Rafiqul Haque, a lawyer who defended both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia in their graft cases when they were detained, urged the archrivals to unite and settle their differences, in the best interests of the nation. The military-controlled government has also jumped on the proposal and requested Haque to be its envoy to convince the two giant political factions to unite. The BNP chief has unconditionally agreed to attend the proposed meeting with her Awami League counterpart. However, Hasina has yet to decide to attend and wants to discuss it in the party forum first.
Prior to the election, leaders of the political parties will begin framing their electoral manifestos to earn public support. At this stage, those politicians who have been accused of corruption, as well as political parties charged with hoarding and investing money obtained through illegal means and with nominating candidates through non-democratic methods, should be rethinking their roles.
Even if the major political parties do not unite to discuss issues, arrive at a consensus and address the country's political issues, they can still formulate their electoral manifestos based on their own pledges to avoid violent demonstrations and initiate the socioeconomic development programs people are expecting from the nation’s leaders.
However, some common points can be included in the electoral programs of the major political parties, such as gradual democratization of the party’s internal leadership with a view to institutionalize democracy at the state level. The parties should firmly declare that none of their leaders, whether those in power or those of the opposition, would abuse their political power and cause harm to any citizen or any public office or property. Should any allegation of abuse surface, then the person in contention would be held accountable and prosecuted under the laws in effect.
Top politicians, including former lawmakers and ministers, have faced charges of corruption in the special tribunals. Many of them have been detained for several months under the military-controlled regime, which has raised serious questions about the morals of public officials. With this in mind, politicians should declare that all decisions would be made in parliament and that the process would be transparent so that people could see the true face of public officials.
The basic legal institutions have been losing credibility for decades as a result of politicization, abuse of power, lack of accountability and extensive impunity for the politically and administratively privileged. In reality, the common citizens suffer from this culture. It reduces the creativity of the people and increases public distrust toward the existing system.
The country's leaders should come forward and change this trend, with an aim to reform the police, used by past ruling parties as hired musclemen. Decisions should be made in such a way that no ordinary person, acting as a political pawn, is appointed prosecutor, attorney or a high court judge in the country. There should be an independent and trustworthy investigation department with a mechanism of accountability in order to avoid manipulation and corruption. The judiciary, especially the magistracy and the district-level judgeship, should be independent in fact, not just on paper, with a view to establish rule of law.
Politicians must realize that it was they who established the "rule of politicians" in past regimes, encouraging the "rule of armed forces and bureaucrats," which has caused damage to the nation. They should not forget the pains of facing corruption charges and staying in detention. The country should be wary not to slip back into the past.
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(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national with a degree in literature from a university in Dhaka. He began his career as a journalist in 1990 and engaged in human rights activism at the grassroots level in his country for more than a decade. He also worked as an editor for publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues and contributed to other similar publications.)
