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Hassan Arif, advisor for the Ministries of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs; Land; and Religion, and a former attorney general, told reporters on Feb. 28 that the state of emergency should be lifted completely before national parliamentary elections are held. He said this in response to a question at a regular weekly press briefing at the Ministry of Land. The statement appeared in all the daily newspapers the following day.

At another event the same day, the adviser for the Ministry of Communications, Golam Quader, who is a retired major general, said at a seminar that elections could be held under the state of emergency, but that it would be lifted before the election. This was also quoted in most of the daily newspapers on Feb. 29.

Two days later, on March 1, one of the election commissioners -- M. Sakhawat Hossain, a retired brigadier general of the army -- defended the government's policy of prolonging the state of emergency, although the Election Commission claims to be independent from the government. Hossain, during a ceremony to register voters at Lauhojang Upazilla in the Munsiganj district, said, "It is possible to hold the election under the state of emergency; just a few clauses of the state of emergency would have to be relaxed." Hossain must have forgotten the view of Chief Election Commissioner Shamsul Huda, explained four weeks earlier.

On Feb. 4 Huda, a former top bureaucrat, responded to a question from the press with a question of his own: "Is it possible to hold elections during the state of emergency? The candidates should have a chance to campaign; how will they do it?" The Bangladeshi media reported this comment too.

As the days go by, top government officials are thoroughly confusing the nation about the "road map" declared last year by the Election Commission, which promised an election by the end of this year. The election is long overdue -- according to the Constitution it was supposed to be held within 90 days after Parliament was dissolved in October, 2006.

The prolonged state of emergency is causing immense problems for the people of all walks of life. First of all, the government has utterly failed to control rising prices; 11 percent inflation has brought people's purchasing power to an all-time low. Even the prices of daily commodities have increased until they are out of reach of ordinary people. Rather than taking steps to control inflation, the government has talked about establishing a "Truth Commission" that would grant amnesty to black marketers involved in corrupt practices.

Secondly, the government has not met its promise to restore law and order, which is supposed to be improved under the state of emergency. Instead, crimes including killings, robberies, the kidnapping and raping of women are capturing news headlines. These are in addition to the violations of human rights by state-sponsored agencies.

Thirdly, the drive against corruption by the Anti-Corruption Commission is highly politicized and serves the interests of the present rulers. Many of the most corrupt persons, including politicians and businessmen, are free to do as they please while certain targeted persons are detained and face trials under the emergency laws. The authorities have lost even the minimal trust from the people because of this double standard.

Fourthly, the media is on the verge of extinction, struggling to survive in the midst of continuous censorship and monitoring by military officials as well as the repressive advertising policy of the government. Many media face a financial crisis after losing their private advertising. Moreover, some newspapers and TV channels have been closed down by the government.

Fifthly, despite the emergency powers rules, political parties have become increasingly vocal about the failures of the government because of the authorities' repressive and controversial actions against the parties or certain party factions. These messages are transmitted very quickly to the common people, who are well connected to the parties, and are enough to generate further chaos in the country.

Despite the failure of the military-backed authorities in all these areas, the government is eager to set up a National Security Council that would allow the armed forces a permanent role in sharing power with the civilian bureaucracy and the politicians, paving the way for further destruction of the democratic institutions that are struggling for survival.

In the midst of all these problems, few people believe that any credible election will take place in the country at all, despite the Election Commission's roadmap. There is a possibility the plan will be scrapped altogether, perhaps for "security reasons" in the face of turmoil that is actually caused by the authorities themselves.

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(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national with a degree in literature from a university in Dhaka. He began his career as a journalist in 1990 and engaged in human rights activism at the grassroots level in his country for more than a decade. He also worked as an editor for publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues and contributed to other similar publications.)