Font size: 
For ruling party politicians the game of corruption was very important for making money and establishing political power. For instance, the ruling party leaders used to insist that bureaucrats show and explain the corruption of past government leaders. On the one hand, the bureaucrats, who made efforts to ensure corruption of past regimes, become truly loyal to the new masters by drawing the picture of corruption of their previous masters. While on the other, they informed their previous masters about the attempts of the new government to unearth their (previous government) corruption profiles and actions that would lead to disclosure and prosecution.
Politicians, who perceive themselves as icons of power and enjoy tremendous honor in the society spend sleepless nights to save their 'image' irrespective of whether people hate or respect them. Hence, they try to find ways to stop any legal proceedings regarding corruption charges against them. However, the bureaucrats turn out to be saviors' for both parties and acting as arbitrators settle issues for both groups. While the opposition leaders are saved from corruption charges, the ruling party leaders earn money in the process. This process ensures that files related to corruption are shelved unless a further outcry is raised against the government. Such moneymaking mechanisms have become a tool for the political elite to mow down the voice of counterparts. In addition, the snail-paced approach of Bangladeshi courts dealing with corruption cases has only aided political leaders to stop such proceedings against them by offering bribes - again, money earned through corrupt means.
Corrupt bureaucrats have never been charged by any of the governments so far. Instead, they have always remained in safe zones convincing rulers that governmental organs can remain 'balanced' by not trying such bureaucrats. Such two-way gratitude has only increased corruption, especially where such dealings have ensued lucrative financial gains while corruption charges have been conveniently buried.
This cultivation of corruption has made Bangladesh champions in the 'World Cup of Corruption,' according to Transparency International, for five consecutive years since 2001. This has also brought tremendous pressure on the government by the people and its development partners to establish an independent commission to fight corruption.
In February 2004, the government enacted a law to establish an "Independent Anti-Corruption Commission," which came into effect in November of the same year. This superficial creation was only to show donors that corruption was being tackled rather than a serious commitment to combat it. The Anti-Corruption Commission Act-2004 established the Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) by dissolving the former Bureau of Anti-Corruption, which itself was most friendly to corruption. The ACC, headed by a former high court judge as its chairman and accompanied by two commissioners, one a former vice chancellor of a university while the other a former chairman of the security and exchange commission, inducted various corrupt officials into the Commission. This commission was famous for doing nothing more than disagreeing with each other.
However, the state of emergency, in February 2007 has changed things at the ACC. A former army chief has been appointed as its chairperson, while a former district judge and a former member of the national board of revenue have been appointed as commissioners.
The reshuffled ACC made lists of well-known personalities, including former ministers, legislators, business magnets and trade unionists, and asked them to submit their wealth and assets within specific deadlines. It also warned of law suits failing to do so. It has also amended the previous ACC Act-2004 on issues related to conducting investigations, crocking properties of accused persons, prosecutions, and conducting trials.
A number of people with strong influence in the country's institutions, who believed that the rule of law could not touch their elite status due to their political and business profiles have been arrested and detained. Some have even been tried and convicted for not disclosing their wealth like a former state minister convicted for possessing and earning revenues from illegal assets. In a speedy trial that concluded in just 109 days including the filing of the case, conducting investigations, and prosecutions, the Special Judge's Tribunal-1 imprisoned the former minister cum lawmaker for ten years. A fine of Taka one million (US$14,500) and three years' imprisonment was imposed and the minister's wife was also imprisoned for three years for assisting her husband.
In Bangladesh's history, this is the first and only example of a politician been convicted for corruption charges along with his wife. Both the present military backed interim government and the ACC claim these as successful changes and credible reformation towards combating corruption.
However, this is quite abnormal in the Bangladeshi culture of judiciary. While, homicides or robbery case take around five to ten years for a justifiable verdict, such "typhoon trials" cause questions in the minds of the public on the sustainability of fighting corruption, especially in a system and within institutions that are both corrupt.
--
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human right defender living in Sylhet in Bangladesh who has been working on human rights issues in the country for more than a decade and who was a journalist in Bangladesh in the 1990s.)
